יו"ר השדולה לטיפול בבעיית המסתננים, ח"כ דני דנון, הטיח ביקורת קשה כלפי גורמי השמאל אשר מסכלים את פעולות הממשלה לגירוש באמצעות מאות עתירות לבתי המשפט: "בגללכם, המתייפייפים מהשמאל, המסתננים אנסו ילדה בת 15 בדרום תל אביב, הכו שלשום מבוגר בן 60 בגלל שישב על ספסל, ושדדו זקנה שהלכה ברחוב- מאות עתירות לבתי המשפט שיתקו את משרדי הממשלה שלא פועלים בכדי לקדם את הגירוש. רק גירוש עכשיו! ולפני שיהיה מאוחר מידי, יפתור את המצב הקיים", אמר דנון.

וכשיש מגמה לדלל, לטשטש, לערבב, ובקיצור, בא נאמר, לחסל את זהותה היהודית של המדינה. זו הסיבה לכך שהם כאן. מי שרצה את זה דאג לכך שהם יהיו כאן עודד את זה.
הגורמים שהביאו לכאן גוים גמורים מרוסיה
מי שמנסה לטשטש כאן את כל הזהויות
הקרו החדשה של ישראל, פרקליטות המדינה,
המסתננים הללו מגיעים לתל אביב כי מישהו מפחד מגורמים רבי עוצמה בישראל
זו המלחמה האמיתית שקיימת כאן, על דמותה היהודית של מדינת ישראל

לקראת הדיון הקבוע למחר (29.5.2012) בוועדת הפנים והגנת הסביבה של הכנסת בנושא מבקשי מקלט, פנו ארגוני זכויות אדם ליו"ר הכנסת ח"כ ראובן ריבלין. במכתב מבהירים הארגונים – האגודה לזכויות האזרח, מוקד סיוע לעובדים זרים, קו לעובד, רופאים לזכויות אדם, א.ס.ף ואמנסטי – שאין בכוונתם להשתתף בדיון, בשל העובדה שמספר ישיבות בעניין זה שהתקיימו בעת האחרונה שימשו לא לדיון ענייני ובונה, אלא לצרכי הסתה פרועה נגד מבקשי המקלט ונגד ארגוני זכויות האדם. הארגונים מבהירים כי במידה ויתקיים דיון, בחסות יו"ר הכנסת, שבו לא יינתן מקום לדברי הסתה פרועים – הם ישמחו לקחת בו חלק.

ארגון סיוע לזרים קיבל חוות דעת משפטית וטוען: הגדר בגבול מצרים נמצאת כולה בשטח ישראל, והמדינה מחויבת להכניס ארצה את כל מבקשי המקלט, גם אלה שבצדה השני! עם סיום הבנייה נעתור לבג"צ נגד המדינה!

האם המחאה נגד הפליטים הגיע גם למרכז תל אביב? עו"ד יוסי אביגור, המתמחה בענייני פליטים, גילה השבוע כתובת גרפיטי "כושים החוצה" במעלית המובילה למשרדו ברחוב מרמורק שבמרכז תל אביב.



"בדרך כלל אני עולה במדרגות", סיפר עו"ד אביגור. "ביום שני האחרון ישבתי במשרד ובעלי המבנה נכנס ושאל אותי אם ראיתי את מה שנכתב במעלית. הלכנו ביחד וראיתי שמישהו רשם בשחור - 'כושים החוצה'. פניתי למשטרה והגשתי תלונה".

מרכזי הסיוע גיס חמישי

חברים יקרים, כפי שפורסם היום בעיתון "ידיעות אחרונות", אני אעמוד בראש תנועה חוץ פרלמנטרית חדשה למאבק בתופעת ההסתננות. שם התנועה: "גירוש עכשיו!", והיא תורכב מצוותים משפטיים שיתנו מענה לבעיית העתירות נגד הגירוש, קמפיין ציבורי למודעות וטיפול בנושא, קידום חוקים ואיגוד של ועדי השכונות השונות העוסקים בתופעת המסתננים ברחבי הארץ. יחד נצליח לעשות שינוי ולגרש את המסתננים מישראל!

Excerpts from Professor Weiss' epic opening speech before the European Parliament Conference meeting on the topic of Peace in the Middle East. Tuesday, May 15th.

The State of Israel has been radically poisoned by accusations of occupation until it does not notice that it itself has been occupied by groups of assimilated or kowtowing Jews.

That is not to mention the anarchists who criticize us every day of the year organized and funded by authorities who turn a blind eye and abandon the army to their provocations. Israel has wittingly and unwittingly opened its gates wide to all that seek her destruction. And that is not just a metaphor. Other examples are encouraging the illegal African immigrants who come to Israel by the thousands, flooding the country

In Israel, the recently adopted Foreign Funding Law could have a major impact on human rights organizations, subjecting them to rigorous reporting requirements, forcing them to declare foreign financial support in all public communications, and threatening heavy penalties for non-compliance.

בשבוע שעבר, בערב יום העצמאות, הכריזה הנציבה לזכויות אדם של האו"ם, נאבי פילאי, על ישראל כמדינה שמגבילה את פעילותם של ארגוני זכויות אדם ושל החברה האזרחית. בהודעה שפרסמה הנציבה צורפה ישראל למועדון לא מכובד של מדינות כגון בלארוס, זימבבווה, מצרים, אתיופיה, ונצואלה ועוד.

"כוונת רוב הארגונים שפועלים למען העובדים הזרים היא להציף את המדינה הציונית בלא יהודים", כך אמר היום שר הפנים אלי ישי, בגינוי חריף נגד ארגוני הסיוע לעובדים הזרים, במהלך כנס רמלה שנערך בעיר. "למה אנחנו צריכים לטפל בכל הבעיות של אפריקה?", שאל ישי. "שאף אחד לא יטיף לעם היהודי או לי מוסר. אני לא פחות רגיש מכל אותם מעצבי דעת קהל או עיתונאים". לדברי ישי, "אסור שהילדים של המסתננים יהיו פוליסת ביטוח, שעל ידי ההתערבבות בציבור הישראלי יחשבו שזה ביטוח לקבל אשרת שהיה". עוד טען ישי כי המתקפה נגדו נובעת מהעובדה שהוא שר מטעם מפלגת ש"ס, והוסיף: "אילולא הנחישות שלי, היינו מוצאים את עצמנו עם מאה אלף מסתננים מאפריקה".

"אנחנו נאבקים מול ארגונים שמטרתם להציף את מדינת ישראל במאות אלפי אנשים לא יהודים", כך אמר היום (א') שר הפנים, אלי ישי, בכנס רמלה בנושא הפעילים המסייעים לעובדים הזרים ולמסתננים בישראל.

"תקראו לזה מענק גירוש, מענק הוצאה", ישי היום ברמלה צילום: כנס רמלה
השר הגיע בצהריים לעיר בשפלת הארץ, והציע פיתרון לתופעת המסתננים המתגברת: "אני מקווה כי בסופו של דבר נצליח להוציא את כל המהגרים ממדינת ישראל, גם תמורת תשלום, למדינה שלישית, שווה לנו 'מענק שחרור'", אמר והוסיף: "תקראו לזה מענק גירוש, מענק הוצאה".

מדינת ישראל לא הוקמה כדי לספק תעסוקה למהגרים אפריקאים. על אף הדימוי הפסטורלי והרומנטי שמנסות עמותות שונות לשוות למהגרים האפריקאים, נתוני הפשיעה שהתפרסמו אתמול מוכיחים שרגלינו שקועות בחבית אבק שריפה.

אבל המציאות מעניינת את קואליציית הארגונים האנטיציוניים כקליפת השום, כמו גם את אנשי הרוח. עבורם, בסכנה הדמוגרפית טמון קלף מנצח על הרוב בחברה הישראלית שמגדיר עצמו כיהודי. לדידם, ככל שירבו מהגרי אפריקה, חלקם הגדול מוסלמים, צביונה היהודי של החברה הישראלית יתערער.

למרבה הצער, האג'נדה בתקשורת הישראלית בנוגע למסתננים מהווה שילוב של קיטש סנטימנטלי, בורות, חתרנות בתי קפה ותקינות פוליטית מסרסת. אבל חכו, כשתפרוץ אינתיפאדת המסתננים, והיא תפרוץ, התקשורת תצא במחול הלקאה עצמית. בזה אנחנו מעולים.

מהי תוכניתם הנרקמת בחשאי של אותם ארגונים ל''זכויות אדם''? כאשר המספרים יגיעו לרבע מליון או חצי מליון, ואנחנו מתקרבים לכך, יעלו הגורמים האלה מעל פני המים, יפנו לבג''ץ ולמוסדות האו''ם, בדרישה שישראל תעניק למהגרים תושבות ואפילו אזרחות, כמקובל במערב. בכך יזנק אחוז המוסלמים בישראל באופן מיידי ל- 30-35% על כל המשמעויות הדמוגרפיות שיכולות להיות לכך. לאחר המאמר הזה אף אחד לא יוכל לומר בעוד כשנתיים-שלוש: לא ידעתי.

What does not fit any prior stereotype is the behavior of Syrian society. It certainly is fissiparous, but not along predictable lines. Past uprisings -- the Muslim Brother-led insurgency in the late 1970s and early 1980s, the Druze intifada of 2000 and the Kurdish rebellion of 2004 -- raised suspicions in society at large for their communal nature. In contrast, today’s protest movement is surprisingly broad-based and cross-cutting. Many an ‘Alawi, especially among intellectuals and simple villagers, resents how his community has been taken hostage by the regime. The Druze are split somewhere down the middle. Christians, who are geographically dispersed, adopt remarkably different viewpoints depending on how much they see of the security services’ abuse on the ground. Those in Damascus and Aleppo have generally rallied to the regime’s side, but in many other areas Christians at least sympathize with protesters. Ismailis, based in the town of Salamiyya, were among the first to join the opposition. And Sunni Arabs, of course, are not all against Bashar; the Shawaya tribes in the northeast, to cite one example, tend to be supportive.

בדו"חות של מכון הדסון מצוינת במפורש העברת כספים ישירה מהדסון למכון לאסטרטגיה ציונית, ולא דרך קרן שלישית כלשהי. מלשכת הקשר לעיתונות של מכון הדסון נמסר בתשובה על שאלת "הארץ": "המכון שימש 'סוכן כספי' (Fiscal Agent) בשביל המכון לאסטרטגיה ציונית בטרם קיבל המכון לאסטרטגיה את הסטטוס המיסויי שלו בארצות הברית. מכון הדסון קיבל תרומות בעבור המכון לאסטרטגיה וביצע בעבורו ניהול חשבונאי תקין. עם זאת, מכון הדסון לא שידל להעברת תרומות למכון לאסטרטגיה ציונית ולא פיקח על מדיניות המחקרים שלו". עם זאת, במכון הדסון לא ענו על השאלה מה היה מקור התרומות שהועברו למכון לאסטרטגיה ציונית ומה היה המניע לשיתוף הפעולה בין שני המכונים.

מתגובות שני המכונים מתברר, כי מכון הדסון היה בעצם צינור להעברת כספים למכון לאסטרטגיה ציונית, מה שמעורר את השאלה מדוע לא פירסם האחרון את המקור האמיתי של התרומות שהועברו אליו דרך מכון הדסון.

Women are playing a rather limited role in the uprising. This is in part because the uprising is strongest in socially conservative areas. However, even in the most conservative areas such as the Damascus suburb of Douma - where almost all residents belong to the conservative Hanbali school of Sunni Islam and where almost every woman on the street is covering her entire face - there are women's demonstrations or a crowd of women in the back of protests chanting along.

Even in less conservative places men will argue that they don't want to risk "their" women, lest they get shot or captured. There is a great fear of rape should women be captured.

In Damascus and in private universities I have met many female activists and organisers, including Alawites and Druze. Some have been arrested or threatened. Some female activists wear the hijab (headscarves). Some are very socially liberal. The liberals are always welcomed when they visit more conservative opposition strongholds.

Another senior opposition leader echoed these remarks, saying: "People like the one who is protecting them." Demonstrations were not important to him as demonstrations anymore, he said. They were important because they lead to the birth of an armed struggle.

The foreign media has focused on exiled Syrian opposition activists and politicians as if they are leading the uprising. It often seems that both media and the external opposition treat the opposition inside Syria as though they were merely youthful demonstrators. But in fact there is a mature and sophisticated leadership on the ground and they are the ones in charge of the uprising. They often lead double lives or live in hiding and by necessity, they are not known outside their communities.

They are organised on a very local basis although in some provinces or towns, they have united to create larger structures. The most impressive of these is the Homs Revolutionary Council, a virtual state-within-a-state.

NR: As the uprising gathered momentum during Ramadan, more capable organisers emerged. Activists throughout Syria established larger, more formal structures, to coordinate the various activities of the opposition. Often the leaders of these organisations were better educated and older than the activists on the streets. The Homs Revolutionary Council was formed in September. It has committees dealing with security and armed operations, media, demonstrations, medical, humanitarian, and legal needs. As of January, it was feeding 16,000 families throughout the province. Its leadership is elected and lives clandestine double lives.

Activist in other provinces see Homs as a role model and have attempted to organise themselves on a similar model. Local leaders communicate and cooperate with each other on a national basis. They are not public figures or known outside Syria, but they are the ones running the revolution.

Anti-imperialist and Arab nationalist causes have ceased mattering to the opposition on the ground. It is the death of ideology, in a way. It strikes me as the opposite of many Egyptian protesters who reacted to decades of a pro-American and pro-Israeli dictatorship by expressing anti-imperialist slogans. But the Syrian opposition associates notions of resistance and anti-imperialism with the Assad regime and therefore the causes themselves have been discredited and their enemy has been reduced to the regime and the daily struggle for survival.

Even Islamist leaders of the revolution I met who had supported the Iraqi insurgency against the American occupation now look to the US and the West for assistance. One example is an opposition military commander in Douma who is an Islamist and a former sheikh. "You and your friends supported jihad against America in Iraq, didn't you?" I asked him. "Of course," he said. "And now you want American help in your struggle against the regime?," I asked. "Of course," he answered, "There is a difference between an aggression and occupation and helping an oppressed country."

CAIRO — The Islamist party that leads the new Egyptian Parliament is threatening to review the 1979 peace treaty with Israel if the United States cuts off aid to the country over a crackdown on American-backed nonprofit groups here.

The Obama administration and Congressional leaders have already warned Egypt that the United States might cut off its annual aid to the country, which in the most recent budget came to $1.3 billion in military supplies and about $250 million in other subsidies, including some money directed to the nonprofit groups under investigation. At least two senators have introduced legislation that could curtail the aid, and the Brotherhood released its statements on Thursday as the House Foreign Affairs Committee held a hearing on the matter.

In a country where people have been deprived for decades, decades, to organize, to initiate, to improvise, add to that the heavy police-control over people’s lives, activists were left with one option: to organize secretly, quietly, and slowly, so that you don’t do mistakes, so that you don’t ruin crucial steps.

The National Congress party (NCP) has yet to receive popular resistance as it has adroitly embedded itself into society in a way that no previous government in Sudan has. To appease and superficially incorporate various national interests in government, it has created a massive civil service, a plethora of unnecessary ministerial positions in addition to presidential advisers with no clearly outlined goals, powers or duties. Furthermore, the government annually invests roughly 70% of the national budget in defence, and has a disproportionately large standing army for a nation with its population; national security among other bureaucratic positions within the inflated state have attracted many, including those who were at one point or other in opposition to the ruling party.

The state has not only become a major employer, with around 4 million employees, but its growth has robbed the civil society of the fervour it once had. The trade unions, civil service and professional bodies that played leading roles in Sudan's previous revolutions, seem fatigued and uninterested in pushing for anything that may prolong and exacerbate instability. In addition, not only are the masses disorganised, but the desire for a revolution is often tempered by extreme prudence in a nation ravaged by a decade of civil war, and currently witnessing insurgencies in Darfur and more recently in the "New South".

The peace of the following morning was shattered by Hamza, who drove around town with his megaphones blaring: "People of Benish, the army is here. All men to your positions. Allahu Akbar! The army has surrounded the town. All men to your positions."

As before previous assaults, the regime had cut all communications in the night. Landlines, mobiles and internet were down, so Hamza and his wagon was the only means of spreading the news. His voice swept through the rubbish-strewn streets and alleyways. He followed his announcements with revolutionary songs and anti-Assad chants.

Within minutes the town was up and ready to fight.

There were dozens of men in the potholed market square now. They carried old Kalashnikovs, hunting rifles and pistols. Ammunition was in short supply.

Mustafa, who had been buying and hoarding bullets for weeks, scooped a handful of them from his black plastic bag to give to the men who had none.

The town was still experimenting with democracy and all decisions were taken in caucus-like meetings. There were no leaders and no commanders but village volunteers.

"Vases," it transpired later, were rudimentary improvised explosive devices (IEDs) made from empty gas canisters filled with fertiliser, with a detonator placed inside that could be connected via wires to a car battery.

במכתב לנתניהו תוקף וינשטיין את הצעות החוק לייבוש עמותות השמאל: "מדיניות היועץ היא למעט ככל הניתן בהכרזה על חוקים כלא חוקתיים, אולם לאור מובהקות המקרה שלפנינו מוצדק לחרוג ממנה". הוא מדגיש: "ההצעות מציבות את ישראל בשורה אחת עם מדינות שספק אם ראוי שנתקנא במשטר הנהוג בהן וננהג כמותן"

The U.S. ambassador to Israel, Dan Shapiro, recently relayed a message to senior members of the Prime Minister's Office that the Obama administration is concerned by proposed legislation that will potentially limit funding by foreign governments for nonprofit organizations. Shapiro said the proposed legislation is much more extreme than U.S. law or similar laws in western democracies.

An Israeli source says Shapiro spoke on the subject with the national security adviser, Yaakov Amidror, and the PM's political adviser, Ron Dermer, some 10 days ago.

The exchange between Shapiro and the two senior advisers took place before the drafting of the latest version of the bill, agreed by Cabinet Secretary Zvi Hauser, MK Ofir Akunis (Likud) and representatives of Yisrael Beiteinu.

A mentality born of repression cannot be changed overnight. And yet I am optimistic, for the following reasons.

First, a large sector of Egyptian society, especially the younger generation, has overcome its fears to speak out about issues that only a few months ago would have been too frightening and intimidating to discuss openly. Even if, as critics say, they number merely 1 million people — 1 million out of 82 million — they constitute a critical mass with the ability to influence the inner circles of power, and the potential to become the conscience of a nation.

A second factor is the spread of mass media. In the past, the success or failure of a revolution depended partly on who controlled the media. Today more than 15 million Egyptians are connected to the Internet, where they can monitor the situation, speak out against corruption and resist any attempt to brainwash them with deceitful propaganda. With ease, young people can make and share short films, spread ideas or write songs for their cause.

Third, a new sector of civil society has emerged, working quietly to redirect the country’s course. Previously, most volunteer work was in the form of short-term aid to the poor. Such charity, benevolent as it was, failed to provide real solutions to the underlying problems of joblessness, powerlessness and voicelessness. Now many groups are starting to apply systematic pressure on the authorities. Labor and agriculture unions have been formed; trade unions, freed from state control, have held real elections.

Fourth, Egypt is a young society. Half of Egyptians are under the age of 25, compared to a world average of 44 percent (33 percent in the United States). Comfortable with technology, and characterized by rebelliousness, fearlessness and risk-taking, these young people have the frame of mind required for the next stage of Egypt’s revolution. Many are well educated and well employed, in a strong position to contribute to the renaissance of the country.

Finally, an unprecedented number of youths are engaged in political activities, from founding or joining political parties to running as candidates in the parliamentary elections. This is particularly healthy because it generates the political experience needed in the long run to lead the country.

According to the proposal, all organizations that do not get funding from the Israeli government will have to pay a 45% tax on foreign funding. The organizations will be able to turn to the Finance Minister and request a tax exemption based on certain criteria, yet to be decided upon.

Those proposing the law said that organizations such as Peace Now, B'Tselem, Physicians for Human Rights, and Worker's Hotline may be given tax exemptions.

The Yisrael Beiteinu Party is acting to push the legislation to limit foreign funding of Israeli human rights organizations, despite the prime minister's decision to freeze two bills to this effect indefinitely.

Sources in Yisrael Beiteinu said the move is intended to spur Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to change his position and continue the legislation on the bills targeting the NGOs already in the next cabinet session.

Published 09:08 20.11.11
Latest update 09:08 20.11.11

Netanyahu freezes bills targeting Israeli human rights groups, sources say
New legislation that would cap foreign governments' contributions to 'political' NGOs, said to be stalled indefinitely; sources close to bills' sponsors say move prompted by foreign pressure.
By Jonathan Lis Tags: Benjamin Netanyahu Knesset


Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu decided to freeze the parliamentary process that would ratify bills aimed at limiting foreign funding of Israeli human rights organizations, sources said on Saturday, a week after a Ministerial Committee for Legislation approved the bills.

According to the sources, Netanyahu decided to indefinitely postpone appeals submitted against the Ministerial Committee for Legislation's vote, meaning that Knesset members wont be able to ratify the bills.
Benjamin Netanyahu - Emil Salman

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
Photo by: Emil Salman

These bills, sponsored by two members of Netanyahu's Likud party - MKs Tzipi Hotovely and Ofir Akunis, would cap foreign governments' contributions to "political" non-governmental organizations at NIS 20,000.

Speaking with Haaretz, officials said the "bills won't come up [for vote] soon," adding that there are "dozens of appeals awaiting cabinet debate, designed to stall the promotion of bills, and this is one of them."

"As of right now there's no intention to hold a discussion about [the bill] in cabinet meetings. Netanyahu will have to decide when and how – if at all – he would like to revive these bills. This also depends on the pressure he may face," the source added.

Officials close to the bills' proponents told Haaretz Saturday that they feel "Netanyahu is working to jam these bills. Maybe he was scared from the criticism he had heard from foreign representatives and from the Attorney General."

בסך הכל, לפי נתוני העמותה, גרמה פעילותה למעסיקים (כולל המדינה) להחזיר לעובדים כספים בהיקף כולל של כ-10 מיליון שקל שנגזלו מהם בשל העסקה לא חוקית. זאת, בנוסף לסיוע שלא ניתן לכימות כספי, כמו עובדים שפיטוריהם בוטלו וכן מקרים של השפלות והטרדות מיניות שהגיעו לידיעת הרשויות וטופלו בזכות פעילות העמותה.

אחרי המיון, מסייעים פעילי העמותה מדי שנה בכ-9,000 עובדים. כ-4,500 מהעובדים שמקבלים סיוע - 50% - הם ישראלים, רובם יהודים. 1,600 מהעובדים הללו (18% מכלל העובדים שמקבלים סיוע וכ-17% מהעובדים הישראלים) הם עובדי קבלן, רובם בתחום האבטחה והניקיון, שרובם מועסקים, בעקיפין, על ידי המדינה עצמה ועל ידי רשויות מקומיות. ענפים נוספים שבהם העמותה מסייעת לעובדים ישראלים הם עסקים קטנים, רשתות שיווק, חברות מדיה ולמרבה האבסורד, גם עמותות אחרות.



כ-500 (6%) ממקבלי הסיוע הם מסתננים ופליטים מאפריקה, כ-1,000 (12%) הם עובדים פלסטינים מיהודה ושומרון המועסקים בישראל ובהתנחלויות ישראליות, והשאר (כ-3,000 עובדים) הם עובדים זרים משאר העולם, שרובם ככולם שוהים בארץ כחוק או שהגיעו אליה כחוק ואשרת השהייה שלהם פגה, לטענתם שלא כחוק.



כ-1,000 מקרים של פגיעות בעובדים שהעמותה מטפלת בהם מדי שנה מסתיימים בתביעות משפטיות מול המעסיקים. רוב התביעות הללו - כ-800 בשנה - עוסקות בעובדים זרים ורק כ-200 בשנה בישראלים. זאת, כיוון שהטיפול בישראלים מסתיים, לרוב, בשיחות ותכתובות עם המעסיקים שבה פעילי העמותה משכנעים אותם לתקן את המעוות בלא תביעה משפטית - לעתים ברוח טובה ולעתים תוך איום בהגשת תביעה.

ועילויי הפרלמנט, יחד עם רועציהם האסטרטגיים, ארגוני הקש שלהם ובכירי הממשלה מחככים את ידיהם בהנאה ומודים לישו ולבתולה מריה (כי בכל זאת, צריך לעשות מסז' לתורמים שלהם) על טיפשותם של השמאלנים. תראו איזה יופי: פתאום לא מדברים על הרופאים, על עבדי הקבלן, על מפוני עמידר, על כל הדברים שברגע שהתחילו לדבר עליהם ביולי האחרון – נשכחו כל קשקושי הבוגדים והחתרנים איתם שיגעו אותנו שנה שלמה קודם לכן.

ואני בטוח שגם רפלקס הבג"צ יופעל אצל מי מהעמותות. חלקן כבר הפסיקו לשאול את עצמן האם זה טוב, נכון ומועיל לקדם נושא דרך בית המשפט לעומת דרכים אחרות, ושואלות רק האם יש כאן קייס לפנייה לבג"צ. יש קייס – יש עתירה, לשמחתם של דני דנון ושאר החבורה. לשמחתם, משום שדבר לא ירנין את מה שלא יהיה שיש להם במקום לב יותר מאשר טרפוד חוקי הספין שלהם בבג"צ. הרי "עמותות השמאל" הן בסך הכול דחליל שבו הימין מפחיד את הציבור. יש מעט מאוד קשר בין מה שתולים על הדחליל הזה לפעילותן האמיתית. אז אם העמותות יסיטו את האש שכוונה אליהן למטרה השמנה יותר ותוך כדי כך יחזקו את כל הסטריאוטיפים שתלו בהן בעמל כה רב, מה רע? ואם ניזכר שבג"צ אף פעם לא מתנגד לעמדת הממשלה בנושאים עקרוניים אלא רק מתקן תיקונים קוסמטיים, שגם אותם הוא לא טורח לאכוף, ובשורה התחתונה לא עושה הרבה מעבר לתחזוקת התדמית הנאורה והמזויפת של עצמו, נראה שספק אם יש בזה תועלת ממילא.

The revised version of the bill would specifiy criteria for defining 'political organizations.' The amendment would ostensibly allow NGOs whose activities are purely charitable to receive foreign funds unhindered. Critics say, however, warn such an amendment may create loopholes political funds can be channeled through.

Netanyahu's push to limit the scope of the foreign funding law comes as he also moves to scuttle a law by Likud lawmakers that would require prospective Supreme Court judges to be vetted by a Knesset committee.

הייתכן שבנימין נתניהו אינו מכיר את הסכם הסחר (הסכם האסוציאציה) בין ישראל לאיחוד האירופי?

ההסכם הפורץ דרך הזה, שנכנס לתוקף ב-2000, העניק לישראל הקלות בתחום המכסים והידק את שיתוף הפעולה עם מדינות האיחוד בתחום הכלכלה, המדע, המשפט, התרבות והחברה. בצד כל אלה, סעיף 2 של ההסכם קובע, כי "היחסים בין הצדדים וכל תנאי ההסכם יושתתו על כיבוד זכויות אדם ועקרונות הדמוקרטיה. אלה ינחו את מדיניות הפנים והחוץ שלהם ויהוו מרכיב חיוני של ההסכם".

האם באמת מאמין נתניהו, שראשי האיחוד האירופי יסתמו את פיהם כאשר ממשלת ישראל תסתום פיות של ארגונים שעוקבים אחרי הפרות של הסעיף המרכזי הזה בהסכם ומדווחים עליהן? יש לקוות, שנתניהו יודע כי רק בורים מוחלטים יכולים לדקלם את הטיעון ש"שום מדינה באירופה לא היתה מוכנה שמדינה זרה תתערב בענייניה הפנימיים"; האיחוד האירופי מקצה מיליארדי יורו לארגוני זכויות אדם בכל אירופה.

אמנם יוזמי הצעת החוק מאפשרים בנדיבותם לחברים האירופים להעביר כסף לעמותות הנהנות מתמיכת ממשלת ישראל. כלומר, הם מצפים שאירופה תסכים שממשלת הימין הישראלית תקבע אילו עמותות ראויות ליהנות מכספי משלם המסים האירופי. למשל, שר האוצר, יובל שטייניץ, לא יפריע לאירופים לתרום לעמותות של המתנחלים, המעודדות התיישבות במאחזים לא חוקיים. יש גם לא מעט ישיבות ועמותות של מתנחלים המשמשות בתי גידול לטרוריסטים יהודים, שישמחו להכניס את ידם לצרור הנקוב של היוונים והאיטלקים. ואולי מאמין נתניהו בכלל הישראלי הישן, שפראיירים לא מתים, הם רק מתחלפים.

בישראל אנחנו רואים משהו חדש מתרחש: ממשלת קרטל. ממשלה שמנצלת את כוחה כדי למנוע מצב שבו יהיה עליה איום אלקטורלי כלשהו, שדוחקת את מפלגות האופוזיציה ליישר איתה קו או שגם הן וארגונים הקשורים בהן יינזקו. למעשה, הממשלה אומרת שמי שאינו משרת את האינטרס של הממשלה או של בעלי ההון, אינו יכול להתקיים כלכלית. זה נכון בחוק איסור התרומות לארגונים, וזה נכון בחוק החרם.

אומנם, על הדרך נקבור גם את רוב העמותות במגזר השלישי, ואיתן יירדו לטמיון עשרות פרוייקטים בתחום החינוך המיוחד, הסיעוד, הגנה על זכויות עובדים – אתם יודעים, כל הזבל הפוליטי של הסמול. העיקר שהכסף לא יגיע מבחוץ.

כי מה חשבתם, שברגע שהפרטנו את כל השירותים האלה, התנערנו מאחריות? יש לנו אחריות: לדאוג שהאוכלוסיות האלה ימשיכו להתבוסס בנחשלותן. לקח לנו 20 שנה לזרוק לכלבים את כל מי שישב על הצוואר של תקציב המדינה כמו עלוקה – התלמידים בפריפריה, הקשישים, הנשים במגזר הערבי, צעירי השכונות. ופתאום מה גילינו? שבמקומנו נכנסו האירופאים. ממשלת ישראל הפסיקה לדאוג לאזרחים החלשים שלה, ובמקומה נכנסו עמותות, עם כסף אירופאי, שעושות את העבודה במקומה.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has reportedly agreed to support imposing restrictions on foreign funding available to leftist organizations in Israel.

The bill's brief said that it "seeks to bar Israeli organizations from accepting donations from governments and international bodies such as the United Nations and the European Union, in light of the inciting activities by many groups that operate under the guise of 'human rights groups' and wish to affect the political discourse and even the very nature of the State of Israel."

Judging from the US’ mild statement after the massacre, I believe SCAF’s message was delivered. And it was not just delivered to the international community, but also to the general public as well. Fear and insecurity dominates the country today, and very few would like to collide with the military junta whom they consider to be the last remaining pillar holding the country together.

This takes us to what I believe will happen to activists in Egypt. After ensuring that there won’t be much of a powerful objection from the inside front nor the international community, I believe SCAF will crackdown on activists and media unprecedentedly.

By normalising the situation we impose the burden of proof on the protesters who assert that they are united, non-sectarian, nonviolent and independent. No matter how many such peaceful demonstrations occur, all it takes is for a couple of incidents of violence or a sectarian interpretation of tension to be reported for the world to start buying into the regime's narrative.

Moreover, we cannot require protesters to confirm their unity; it is natural that they are not united. Diversity is their strength, not their weakness. Nor can we expect them to prove that they are a viable alternative; the Syrian regime has survived by allowing no such alternatives to emerge or to seem viable. It is precisely because of this that the regime is being opposed. If it had allowed for a credible opposition to be visible, there would be no need to change it.

Syrian political society will emerge and show its real face only after the regime is gone, and not before. This will not be a phoenix rising from the ashes, rather a battered society that will be trying to find its way after a long and dark period.

The first parliamentary elections since Mubarak’s fall are scheduled for 28 November, but NGO leaders say the transitional government led by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) has mounted a “smear campaign” against them by accusing them of receiving millions of dollars from foreign donors to destabilize the country - going so far as to say the violence on the streets of Cairo during and after the revolution was supported by foreign funding channelled through NGOs.

Even so, the government’s campaign against NGOs seems to have changed the way ordinary Egyptians view civil society. Activists talk about people who approach them not asking about their development programmes or their political awareness campaigns, but about where they get their funding.

Contrary to the assumptions of present Mideast democratization efforts, however, it found that civil society participation does not lead individuals toward a greater appreciation for democracy, nor toward a democratic political culture. Instead, male and female Qataris who channel their social, economic, and political ambitions through participation in civic associations are disproportionately likely to be less tolerant of others, less oriented toward democracy and less confident in formal governmental institutions.

n. Rather than undermining traditional society and the existing regime, these associations are simply an extension of them, with the most involved being those who benefit from it the most -- and who thus would stand to lose most from any revision of the political status quo.

The sole poster of Mr. Assad in the city hangs from the undamaged headquarters of the ruling Baath Party. Gaggles of residents gather on the curb to debate politics, sing protest songs and retell the traumas of the crackdown in 1982, when the government stormed Hama to end an Islamist uprising. For the first time in memory, clerics and the educated elite in Hama are negotiating with the governor over how to administer the city, in a country long accustomed to a monologue delivered by the ruler to the ruled.

The freedom of the association in Lebanon is futile since at any point any religious authority can put an end to any campaign in the name of religion.

Our country is in danger due both to religious leaders as well as political leaders. The latter acting as “protectors” of the different sects will certainly not dare to oppose the relevant religious institutions’ decrees and decisions.

The relative “freedom” we have in Lebanon is fragile. It can be lost at any given time if we do not put an end to the illegal supremacy of religious institutions that often find it more than acceptable to censor or deny or twist content or events to serve their own purposes.

One after the other, Arab rulers and their security forces are producing dynamics which rapidly eliminate any middle ground and leave victory or destruction as the only possible outcomes. So effective have these regimes been in eradicating (through murder, imprisonment and exile) not only organized opposition but activists of national stature, that they have left themselves no credible interlocutors with the millions of ordinary citizens assembling every week in squares and streets demanding their ouster.

The decree, signed by Social Affairs Minister Mariam Mohammed Khalfan Al Roumi, dismissed the Teachers' Association's board and replaced its members with state appointees. The minister issued a similar decree issued on April 21, dissolving the board of the Jurist Association. On April 6, both associations, along with two other nongovernmental organizations, co-signed a public appeal calling for greater democracy in the country. Since April 8, the UAE has also detained at least five prominent democracy activists.

According to the decree, the Teachers' Association violated section 16 of the UAE's 2008 Law on Associations, which prohibits nongovernmental organizations and their members from interfering "in politics or in matters that impair state security and its ruling regime." The ministerial decree against the Jurist Association cited the same infraction.

1) The Army is co-opting the revolution/trying to establish another military dictatorship
2) The NDP/Mubarak is still controlling the country
3) The Islamists are hijacking the revolution: Internal divisions are ripping the MB apart, with the Youth announcing their defection and making their own group, with reformists such as AboulFoutouh publicly leaving them for being out of touch with the public, with the rising public hostility towards them since they can’t differentiate between them and the Salafists, and with them trying to appease the public by declaring their party platform will call for a “civil state” and will not have any conditions against women or copts running for President and thus in turn angering their own hardliners as well.

Phone conversations and text messages are usually camouflaged by code. Journalists say they're "busy studying" when they're filing, most often anonymously. Western diplomats speak in hushed tones and refer to hot spots, like the southern city of Daraa -- the nexus of protests over the past two weeks -- as "the place." Many even go so far as to remove the batteries from their mobile phones during conversations for fear that GPS tracking devices have been installed in their SIM cards. Despite the recent lifting of bans on Facebook and YouTube, many still use proxies to ensure some level of security online.

"That day was the first day I said 'no,' " he says. "We've been taught to fear all our lives ... fear the government, fear wars, fear factions, but Daraa will hopefully be the country's wake-up call to the real Bashar."

Members of Bahrain's feared National Security Apparatus (NSA) stormed into the homes of prominent human rights and pro-democracy activists.

Among those targeted were people providing photos and videos of police and army brutality to foreign journalists.

But until recently, Benghazi's attitude toward outside intervention was different. The rebels' attitude toward the role of the international community evolved as Col. Muammar al-Qaddafi's forces advanced aggressively over the past week, threatening to use their superior firepower to quash the poorly armed rebellion.

The rebels also set up a military council headed by Omar al-Hariri, a former general who took part in a coup plot against Qaddafi in 1975, which reports to the transitional council. The entire apparatus is overseen by a group of lawyers who, as among the first to join the city's uprising, have been tacitly appointed guardians of the revolution. Finally, the council delegated two ambassadors who defected from Qaddafi to represent the rebels' cause on the international stage.

According to confirmed reports, during the month of February 2010, more than 332 political and civil activists, students, and protesting citizens were arrested.

But since the revolt erupted Feb. 15 in eastern Libya against Gadhafi's rule, the first impromptu institutions have begun popping up, with Libya's intellectual class largely leading the way.

"What we've done so far in these three weeks is astronomical, unbelievable," opposition spokesman Mustafa Gheriani said.

To the east in Bayda, young men collect trash, provide security, man checkpoints and direct traffic. The city council has reached an agreement with the banks to loan about $160 (200 dinars) a month interest free to needy residents, said Hamdy Yacoub, a statistics professor at Omar Mukhtar University.

"We work as consultants to everybody in town, trying to help manage things," said Yacoub, whose two brothers serve on the city council. They also get their hands dirty, cleaning streets on some days.

Town councils in Tobruk, Derna and other eastern cities clustered along the Mediterranean coast have similar operations.

Faced with so many restrictions, Omanis have sometimes resorted to unconventional methods for expressing their views. Writing about Gulf rulers in 2001, Dale Eickelman observed: "Only in Oman has the occasional donkey … been used as a mobile billboard to express anti-regime sentiments. There is no way in which police can maintain dignity in seizing and destroying a donkey on whose flank a political message has been inscribed."

Libya is a country in which tribal identities remain strong. Initially, Qaddafi tried to undermine the power of the tribes, but he later turned to them for political support. In the process, tribal affiliation became increasingly important, reflecting both the prohibition on alternative organizations and the official celebration of family and tribe in the Green Book, Qaddafi’s ideological handbook. Tribal leaders will play a central role in a post-Qaddafi Libya, including creation of a provisional government, promulgation of a constitution, and the conduct of free elections.

Meanwhile, the people of eastern Libya, largely liberated from Qaddafi’s forces, have already formed a provisionary government led by tribal leaders, who willingly share power with the youth who led the revolution. They have also established a radio station, Voice of Free Libya.

This has been achieved without any support – either moral or tangible – from the United States or the European Union. It is far too early to predict how the Libyan uprising will end, but it does appear, so far, that quite a lot of preconceptions about leadership, and the conditions necessary for civil society and democracy, are being challenged.

almost simultaneous with the distribution of the February 20th Movement’s official manual, specific information regarding the protest sites was finally provided on the movement’s primary Facebook page. Starting at 10am, they’re to be held in four cities: Tangier in United Nations Square, Rabat in Bab el Ahad Square, Marrakech at Bab el Doukala, and Casablanca in Mohamed 5th Square. This doesn’t mean that there won’t be demonstrations elsewhere: I’ve already seen a call for demonstrations, for example, in Tetouan. And there have been some significant indicators of support. Twenty Moroccan human rights groups have signed on to join the protests, including Amnesty International Morocco, The Democratic Association of Moroccan Women, and the Moroccan Forum for Truth and Justice (the complete list can be found here); the banned Islamic movement Justice and Charity is likewise supporting the demonstrations, in opposition to what they call the "Benalisation" of the regime.

Fourteen journalists, civil rights and political activists have been detained since Wednesday.

. It recounted that in a new survey held among Israeli Jews, 52 percent of those asked agreed to the need to restrict freedom of expression where a report threatens the image of the state. The survey, carried out by the Geocartography firm for the Academic College of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, shows that 64 percent of those surveyed are willing to see the state limit the freedom of expression in conditions of a security threat. Similar results were shown on limiting academic freedom.

The Israeli Democracy Index for 2010, published recently by the Israel Democracy Institute, shows that nearly 40 percent of Israelis believe there is too much freedom of expression in Israel. 59 percent of Jews who identify with the right, 49 percent of those who say they are center, and 39 percent of those who believe they are left, think that human and civil rights groups such as the Association for Civil Rights in Israel and B'Tselem cause damage to the country.

Actually, it's worse than that. "The Arab foreign ministers," as one prominent figure in the democracy-promotion world said to me, "have learned from these meetings exactly how to thwart democracy, not how to help it." The sessions have taught local leaders the dangers of Western-supported and genuinely autonomous NGOs, and regimes across the Arab world have cracked down on them. Many human rights groups have been hounded out of existence; only the most reliably docile ones are permitted inside the forum's doors. A

Rather, the important new development is that pockets – sometimes very large and dense pockets – of young people throughout the entire region are thinking and behaving in novel ways. A small but growing mass of mostly young Arabs is now taking initiatives in its home societies and exploring how they can shape their world and its future, rather than simply asking their governments to do more for them or asking foreign governments to promote justice. This is evident in three main arenas: business and economics, high tech and information communications technology, and culture/arts and civil society.

Freedom of association – the right of people to get together and organise for a common purpose – is one of the essential building blocks for a free and open society. In most of the Middle East, though, governments seek to restrict civil society activity,

A report published last week by the EU-funded Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Network reviews the current situation for NGOs in 11 countries of the eastern and southern Mediterranean, from Turkey to Morocco – and it's a generally bleak picture.

"Freedom of association has experienced setbacks in the past few years and there has been very little positive development worth mentioning,"

Mehr news agency reports that Alireza Afshar, deputy of social and cultural section of the Ministry of Interior said: “NGOs should not engage in any political activity.”

He stated: “They can by all means criticize government bodies in private meetings but it is not acceptable that they engage in discrediting the government in the media.”

He warned NGOs to take care not to fall in “enemy traps.”

In the post-Cold War political environment, however, the political forces vocal about social identity and civil society demands strengthened their position and found a new channel, the European Union, through which they could express their demands. Neither the bureaucratic elite nor the central political parties could comprehend the essence of this transformation. The more bureaucratic power resisted overhauling the political system by turning a blind eye to demands of different social identities, the bigger the political rifts grew. It was increasingly difficult for the bureaucratic power to neutralize a bourgeoning social consciousness. This, in turn, weakened the bureaucracy and the central political parties who were supportive of it.

The reversal of her group’s fortunes is part of an overture that government officials have described as a new embrace of civil society.

But the embrace is complicated. Even as doors have opened for a few people, like Ms. Ali, they have shut with increasing frequency on activists demanding greater political rights, according to human rights lawyers here. While some rights advocates welcome any opening, no matter how small, others say it extends only to groups that pose no challenge to the established order.

The common assumption that greater activity by civil society and more robust NGOs would spur a more democratic culture, including greater accountability of the powerful governments that define most of the Middle East, remains frustratingly unproven. Civil society continues to flourish in many countries, but with very limited impact.

One of the fascinating transformations in the Middle East in the past several decades has been the gradual blurring of the once clear divisions between the state, NGOs and the private sector. Two elements of this change seem especially interesting to study and understand: the increasingly shared responsibility among the state, civil society and private companies for providing citizens with basis services, and, the convergence between the government and NGOs in the field of public power and authority.

a broader theme that I was hearing a lot this trip. Namely, a huge sense of abandonment and resentment among northern civil society and opposition groups with respect to the April elections.

The elections were neither free nor fair and everyone knows it. In fact everyone knew it before it happened. But what it seems ordinary Sudanese didn’t expect was for the world (and in particular the U.S., which continues to be idealized by many as the champion of democracy) to accept it.

He allowed female patrons at his cafe to smoke hookah pipes and to talk with men. He ignored demands by plainclothes police to rein in "immoral" behavior. In early May, police interrogated and accused him of having extramarital affairs. To persuade him to confess, they beat him with a 2-inch-thick, leather-covered bamboo rod for 50 minutes, and later forced him to stand on one leg for two hours.

A notorious example is the expanded role of Gaza's "morality police." Last summer, these black-uniformed police began to patrol the beaches to ensure that men and women are dressed "appropriately" — there is no written rule but a woman was punished for swimming in a T-shirt and jeans — and that unrelated men and women are not mingling.

"The NISS rules Sudan by fear. The extensive, multi-pronged assault on the Sudanese people by the security services has left the critics of the government in constant fear of arrest, harassment or worse,"

Arrests have peaked at times of political tensions, such as following a major attack by a Darfur armed group on Khartoum in May 2008, before and after the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant against President Al Bashir in July 2008, and following the elections in April 2010.

NISS agents have systematically used intimidation and various forms of ill-treatment, including torture, against supporters of the political opposition, students, human rights defenders, civil society activists, staff of national and international NGOs, and anyone seen as posing a threat to the government.

Legal and governmental restrictions are not the only source of frustration. They are unhappy with attempts to besmirch their image as puppets of Western powers.

Most official and semi-official youth projects in the Arab world have a top-down management structure and thus have often been superficial and short-lived.

For all his admirable qualities, what Fayyad has managed to do is to maintain many of the institutions built earlier and make a few of them more efficient.

The second problem is that these efforts take place in an authoritarian context that robs it of domestic legitimacy.

Fayyad's measures look like stop gap damage control rather than "state building" when they are contrasted with what came before.

One of the most knowledgeable observers of Palestinian elections told me: "Now we know that Fatah is incapable running against itself, let alone against Hamas."

The message of "Fayyadism" is clear, and it is personal: if Salam Fayyad is prime minister, wealthy international donors will keep the PA solvent, pay salaries to its employees, fund its infrastructural development, and even put gentle pressure on Israel to ease up its tight restrictions on movement and access.

overview of the changes in Morocco in the 90s and the development of civil society there

But the reassertion of historical resentments towards the Palestinian presence has been triggered by a revival of Maronite fears that the integration of Palestinians could be used to offset the country's confessional power-sharing system.

Maintaining the status quo of practically besieged Palestinian refugees is no longer sustainable or acceptable.

And it is no longer feasible to portray a modern, open and liberal face of Lebanon while maintaining an effectively racist and discriminatory set of laws that isolate the country's Palestinian residents and deprive them of basic human rights.

Since Kadi founded SWO in 2004, Syrian media coverage of the rights of women – as well as those of children and the disabled, also areas of SWO's work – has increased exponentially.

When the organization began, Kadi says, he could find only three news articles talking about the rights of these groups. Now, he says, there are thousands.

Even more important is a change in the way the news media cover the issue.

"The media used to condemn violence against women out of pity or because it was religiously haram [forbidden] or because it would hinder the country's development," Kadi says.

"We have altered that. Now the majority of articles and programs approach issues such as honor killings from the viewpoint of human rights or citizenship," he says. "This is how we want people to think about it."

And according to ANHRI, just last week eight activists were arrested in Damanhour for taking part in a meeting that called for the repeal of the emergency law among other democratic reforms in Egypt.

According to EOHR, the newly formed committee will include members of political parties and civil society organisations, and will pressure the government to adhere to recommendations in line with the UN Human Rights Council's. The committee is demanding that all prisoners jailed under the emergency law be released immediately, and that the government restrict emergency rule to times of war and natural disaster.

The committee is also calling for a provision to be made for the right to a fair trial, which would mean abolishing trials of civilians before military tribunals and special state security courts, which lack basic due process protections.

Despite claims that it curtailed the powers of the emergency law and would restrict its use to cases of terrorism and drug trafficking, the Egyptian Government quickly demonstrated that this is not really the case. Less than two weeks after its extension, the Egyptian government arrested eight people under emergency law, for collecting signatures to call for electoral reforms.

As they face a year of important elections, Egyptian democrats find themselves without a support system in their fight against government repression in part, due to American ambivalence. One Egyptian pillar of democratic values has been its judiciary, but a constitutional amendment in 2007 ended judicial review of elections.

Today, many Arab democrats are beginning to feel nostalgic about Bush's tainted, inconsistent agenda, over a nonexistent Obama policy.

"This targeting of NGOs, including UN partner organizations, is unacceptable, violating accepted norms of a free society and harming the Palestinian people," said Robert Serry, U.N. special coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process.

the leading institutions of American Jewry have refused to foster—indeed, have actively opposed—a Zionism that challenges Israel’s behavior in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and toward its own Arab citizens. For several decades, the Jewish establishment has asked American Jews to check their liberalism at Zionism’s door, and now, to their horror, they are finding that many young Jews have checked their Zionism instead.

Groups like AIPAC and the Presidents’ Conference patrol public discourse, scolding people who contradict their vision of Israel as a state in which all leaders cherish democracy and yearn for peace. in practice, by defending virtually anything any Israeli government does, they make themselves intellectual bodyguards for Israeli leaders who threaten the very liberal values they profess to admire.
if current trends continue, the growing influence of Orthodox Jews in America’s Jewish institutions will erode even the liberal-democratic veneer that today covers US Zionism.

The Policy Governing Procedures to Establish and Operate Non-Governmental Organizations, which was approved at a June 19, 2005 Cabinet meeting (proposed by the Ministry of Intelligence on July 30, 2004 according to Article 138 of Iranian Constitution), has defined organizations charged with oversight of non-governmental organizations. Over the past years, Governor’s Offices, Provincial Offices, and Ministry of Interior have been in charge of reviewing the qualifications of NGO’s. Members of the boards of directors of NGO’s apply for police clearance at the time of the NGO’s initial establishment, but the Interior Ministry is responsible for centralized coordination of NGO’s. The police is only directly responsible for issuing licenses of those civil society organizations that are considered charities.

“However, in Bahrain – as well as in all the other five countries – the numerous highly vulnerable domestic workers do not yet receive anything like adequate legal protection. But, again, all the Governments I have spoken to so far recognize that this needs to change,” said Pillay.

She said she was encouraged by the emerging national human rights institutions in the region, noting that Qatar's national institution has already acquired the top-grade “A Status” – meaning it had satisfied a rigorous set of international standards as laid down by the UN General Assembly.

Civil society organizations also continue to emerge in the region, but are still relatively few and fragile by comparison with many other countries, Ms. Pillay said.

The new law, which was leaked to the local press (Arabic) on 7 March, would usher in a new government-appointed association called the General Federation for Civil Society Organizations. It would be responsible for authorizing the work of local NGOs.

Opponents of the new law say it will put restrictions on civil society funding.

Instead of receiving funding directly from donor organizations and countries, NGOs will have to apply to the Social Solidarity Ministry for it to decide whether they deserve the funding.

"The future is very dark for us," says Nasser Amin, director of the Arab Centre for the Independence of the Judiciary and Legal Profession (ACIJLP). "The government will do anything to win the upcoming elections...and it will take aggressive action against anyone who participates, or monitors them."

Elections for Egypt's upper house of parliament are scheduled for May and for the lower house in the fall. The parliamentary elections will help determine who will be eligible to run for the presidency in 2011.

A draft law about to go before the NDP-dominated parliament would tighten the noose on these groups, say rights activists. The bill is said to require Egypt's 25,000 NGOs to join a federation that would vet their licenses and supervise their funding and activities.